Many people judge if the Jokowi regime acts oppressively against Islam, including allegations of criminalization of clerics (as in one of the Bem SI demands). Apparently, the new order regime has many oppressive actions against the ulama, such as:1. The capture of Daud BeureuehDaud Beureueh is the founder of the All-Aceh Ulemas Association (PUSA) and the DI / TII Aceh leadership. The great scholar was limited to his living space, only in Jakarta alone. When David was secured to Jakarta, the Free Aceh Movement (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka, GAM), which David did not sanction, was raging in Aceh until two decades later.David did not agree with the GAM formed by Hasan Tiro. Not because of the reason for not agreeing to the resistance and the goal of independence, but because Hasan Tiro is reluctant to make the Shari'a of Islam as the main program. For David, not only freedom should be the basic principle of struggle, but also the Islamic Shari'a.Despite differences with Hasan Tiro, however, Daud Beureueh was still regarded as a threat by the New Order for continuing to criticize the government. His criticisms are very harsh, for example in the case of the Arun PGN development, which he considers has no benefit to Aceh other than just dredging Aceh's wealth.That's what brought David to Jakarta. There, David was isolated in a house in Tomang. Though old and getting sick, but the New Order did not care. As with Sukarno's treatment, the New Order allowed David to be isolated and the house of ostracism at Tomang kept under surveillance.2. Ulama Mutation in KalimantanIn South Kalimantan there are prominent clerical scholars named Safriansyah aka Kai Amang and Jamhari Arsyad. Both are employees of the Ministry of Religious Affairs in Amuntai, Hulu Sungai Utara district now. Both are familiar like family. Both have influence in the religious community of Banjar there.Hulu Sungai Utara is the base of Nadlatul Ulama (NU), the old faction. Except Alabio district, Muhamadiyah branch in South Kalimantan. In Amuntai there is an old boarding school named Rashidiyah Khaliyadah (Rakha Amuntai) which is close to Idham Chalid figure who gave the PPP.Jamhari Arsyad is a cadre of Idham Chalid who is a PPP figure. Strange if a cadre of PPP as well as Islamic figures such as Kai Amang and Jamhari Arsyad not support PPP and even join Golkar.
Naturally if they do not want to follow the invitation of Golkar successful team.So, Jamhari Arsyad is always hiding if there are Timses Golkar who invited him to campaign. After the elections a catastrophe ensued. Kai Amang was fired. While Jamhari was not fired from the Ministry of Religious Affairs, but transferred to Barito Kuala District isolated during the New Order era.3. Ulama Mutation in SoloIn the late 1960s, Abdullah Sungkar, Abu Bakar Baasyir and several other figures set up a radio that promoted Islamic reform in Solo. The radio has ever worked with Al Irsyad. Sungkar and Baasyir are considered too harsh in criticizing the New Order.They both set up their own radio, namely Radio Dakwah Islamiyah Solo in 1970 involving Abdullah Thufail. Because it was considered too critical of Suharto, the radio was closed arbitrarily by the military in 1975. This is what resulted in Sunkar and Ba'asyir then arrested and imprisoned by the New Order. Once free, the two went to Malaysia.4. Immigration Jail in BantenNot only was Daud secured by Soeharto. From Banten there is Abuya Dimyati who raises a Pesantren in Cidahu, Padeglang. Ahead of the 1977 election, before the Friday prayers of March 11, 1977, to a village chief, Dimyati said that villagers should not be forced to support one electoral party. The village head tried to mobilize the villagers to vote for Golkar.The way he said "Golkar is government" with the intention that the lay community in the village that does not go to school in Banten and West Java choose Golkar. Abuya Dimati replied saying: "The government is RI, not Golkar."The situation was heating up. Finally, before the 1977 election, on March 14, 1977, Abuya Dimyati was arrested by the police. He was convicted and sentenced to six months in prison.At that time, the area around Dimyati's residence in Cidahu was considered the basis of the PPP, the only Islamic party. Ahead of the PPP campaign, the supply of fuel was stopped and made the community difficulty to move and make PPP campaign threatened failed. One of the society's folklore to Dimyati's figure is his ability to change the water in his pond as fuel in response to the fuel stoppage.After the 1977 elections, the people in Suharto's circle were so uncomfortable seeing in the 1977 election, in which the PPP won 29.3 percent of the vote. That is the highest achievement of PPP in all elections in the New Order era.
The New Order was a time when scholars were "castrated" socially and politically. Ulama should accept government programs, if not the threat of violence, ostracism and imprisonment are in sight. For example in the matter of Family Planning (KB) program and Social Fund Contribution (SDSB). The view of many scholars on both government programs is certainly forbid it.
One of the local scholars who experienced repressive action was Kiai Sarmin from Banten. He also received violence because he often gave lectures that refused or encouraged citizens not to participate in family planning programs. Kiai Sarmin uses religious arguments, and that should be fine. However, it was regarded as a struggle against the New Order.
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